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ζψςι ωμεν
μαγ ζδ μΰ ιιμκ
ΰδψεο γιιεειγ ξιμψ
τϊβν ξζψη-ϊιλεπι ιωο ΰεξψ: ΰν
ΰϊδ πεϊο, λγΰι ωϊχαμ; ΰηψϊ μΰ ιδιδ ρεσ μπϊιπδ. μτι ξαεμ δδφςεϊ
δηγ-φγγιεϊ ωδεφβε αΰηψεπδ μτμρθιπιν, μψαεϊ πΰεν δψφμιδ ωμ ψΰω δξξωμδ ΰψιΰμ
ωψεο, ωαε δϊεεδ ΰϊ δφςγιν ωϊπχεθ ιωψΰμ ΰν δτμρθιπιν ιρψαε μωΰϊ εμϊϊ ςιξδ,
πψΰδ λΰιμε ηελξϊ δψηεα δζε, ωδπηϊδ ΰϊ ξγιπιεϊ ιωψΰμ λμτι ωλπεϊιδ δςψαιεϊ
αηξιωιν δωπδ δΰηψεπεϊ, πδτλδ ςμ τιδ.
φςγιν ηγ-φγγιιν λϊημισ μξε"ξ ΰιπν
ιλεμιν μδφμιη, εδν ψχ ιηψιτε ΰϊ δριλρεκ διωψΰμι-τμρθιπι. ΰαμ αωπϊιιν
δΰηψεπεϊ, πχεγϊ δξεφΰ ωμ τςεμεϊιδ ωμ ιωψΰμ ξεμ ωλπιδ δτμρθιπιιν διϊδ
ηγ-φγγιϊ, αιο ΰν ξγεαψ αδβαψϊ τςιμεϊ δδϊπημεϊ ΰε αφςγιν αιθηεπιιν ελμλμιιν
ηγ-φγγιν. τιβεςι δθψεψ, δρμιγδ ξιΰρψ ςψτΰϊ εδιςγψ τψθπψ αιθηεπι ΰξιο αφγ
δτμρθιπι βψξε αΰετο θαςι μλκ ωψεα διωψΰμιν ξελπιν λςϊ μτςεμ αςφξν.
δβιμει δγψξθι αιεϊψ ωμ δβιωδ δζε
διΰ ηεξϊ δαιθηεο. δηεξδ ξωχτϊ ΰϊ δϊιρλεμ εδτηγ ωμ ξβζψιν πψηαιν αφιαεψ
εαξξργ δτεμιθι αιωψΰμ. ϊεξλιδ θεςπιν ω δξΰξυ λαψ δϊβμδ λλγΰι βν μΰηψ ωδεωμν
ψχ ωμιω ξδβγψ: ξΰτψιμ 2002 εςγ γφξαψ 2002 διε 17 τιβεςιν αΰιζεψ αε πξϊηϊ
λιεν δβγψ, ωαδν ξϊε 89 ΰπωιν; μςεξϊ ζΰϊ, ξιπεΰψ 2003 εςγ πεαξαψ 2003 διε
ωξεπδ τιβεςιν, ωαδν πδψβε 51 ΰπωιν.
δηγ-φγγιεϊ μΰ ψχ ςεξγϊ ααριρ ξγιπιεϊδ δπεληιϊ ωμ ιωψΰμ, διΰ βν δωτιςδ ςμ
ΰετο δηωιαδ ωμδ μβαι δςϊιγ. ϊελπιϊ δωμεν διγεςδ αων 'ξτϊ δγψλιν' πγηχδ
μημεθιο ςμ-ιγι ιεζξεϊ ωωεμμεϊ λμ δωϊϊτεϊ ξωξςεϊιϊ ωμ φγ τμρθιπι. δψΰιεο
δξγεαψ ωμ ρβο ψΰω δξξωμδ ΰδεγ ΰεμξψθ, ωαε γιαψ ςμ πριβδ πψηαϊ ξδβγδ δξςψαιϊ
εξςζδ, μΰ δϊιιηρ μαο ωιη τμρθιπι. εδιεζξδ ωμ ωψεο, ωλδ ηιλε μδ, ξγαψϊ ςμ
τιπει ηγ-φγγι ωμ λξδ δϊπημειεϊ, ριτεη ηγ-φγγι ωμ ΰηψεϊ, ϊχετϊ πιριεο ωμ ξωΰ
εξϊο ςν δτμρθιπιν - εΰν ζδ ιιλωμ, δϊπϊχεϊ ηγ-φγγιϊ ξωθη περσ αβγδ δξςψαιϊ.
απριαεϊ δπεληιεϊ, ιω μψςιεο
δηγ-φγγιεϊ χρν ψα. ΰν διΰ ιλεμδ μδβαιψ ΰϊ αιθηεο ιωψΰμ , μωξεψ ςμ ψεα ιδεγι
εμπϊχ ΰϊ ιωψΰμ ξδαςιδ δτμρθιπιϊ, μξδ μΰ μτςεμ αγψκ ζε? ΰιζδ αψιψδ ΰηψϊ ιω
μιωψΰμ?
ΰξϊ, δριλει μξωΰ εξϊο ιωψΰμι-τμρθιπι ψφιπι πψΰδ χμεω λψβς. ΰαμ ιεζξεϊ
ηγ-φγγιεϊ ωιωπε ΰϊ δρθθερ χεε δτεμιθι εδθψιθεψιΰμι μΰ ιβαιψε ΰϊ αιθηεπδ ωμ
ιωψΰμ εμΰ ιωιξε χυ μριλρεκ.
ψΰωιϊ, αςεμν δτψες ωμ δτεμιθιχδ δςαιϊ-ιωψΰμιϊ, πριβδ αμι δγγιεϊ διΰ ριξο
ηγ-ξωξςι μηεμωδ, εδιΰ ςμεμδ μτβες αλεη δδψϊςδ ωμ ιωψΰμ εααιθηεπδ, αξχεν
ωϊηζχν. ΰρθψθβιιϊ δξδΰψιιδ (ωιηψεψ τμρθιο αωμαιν), δζελδ μϊξιλδ αχψα ημχ
ξδτμρθιπιν, ϊχαμ ηιζεχ περσ.
ωπιϊ, δηγγ-φγγιεϊ τωεθ μΰ ιλεμδ
μδπια ΰϊ δδργψιν δξςωιιν δλμλμιιν, δτεμιθιιν εδαιθηεπιιν, δγψεωιν μριεν
δριλρεκ. ηιιδν εςϊιγν ωμ διωψΰμιν εδτμρθιπιν ωμεαιν ζδ αζδ μαμι δϊψ. δαςιδ
δΰρθψθβιϊ δζε πιϊπϊ μτιϊψεο ψχ αΰξφςεϊ τιϊψεπεϊ γε-φγγιιν ιφιψϊιιν, ωιβεαωε
αξωΰ-εξϊο ηλν.
δηγ-φγγιεϊ, μςεξϊ ζΰϊ, ϊεϊιψ αςιεϊ αωτς: ΰμτι τμρθιπιν ξδβγδ δξςψαιϊ αϊηεν
βαεμεϊιδ ωμ ιωψΰμ, διςγψ τιϊψεπεϊ ψφιεπμιιν μϊπεςϊ λεη δςαεγδ δτμρθιπι,
μωΰμϊ δβιωδ μωεεχιν εμξωΰαι δξιν δξωεϊτιν, εδιςγψ ωιϊεσ τςεμδ αιθηεπι ξςωι.
αχφψδ, δν ιφψε ΰελμεριιδ τμρθιπιϊ ζεςξϊ εξπελψϊ ωΰιο μδ μΰο μμλϊ, εΰιο μδ ξδ
μδτριγ.
αρετε ωμ γαψ, δγψκ διηιγδ ωςωειδ μωιν χυ μριλρεκ διΰ τιϊψεο ωϊι δξγιπεϊ,
ωιεωβ αξωΰ εξϊο δξΰετιιο αδγγιεϊ ΰξιϊιϊ εαωιϊεσ τςεμδ εξβς ξϊξιγ αιο ιωψΰμιν
μτμρθιπιν. μξψεϊ λμ δϊιρλεμ ξδϊπδβεϊν ωμ δτμρθιπιν, εμξψεϊ δτιϊει ωατιϊψεπεϊ
ηγ-φγγιιν, ζε δξφιΰεϊ. μξψαδ δφςψ, δωΰμδ διηιγδ διΰ ψχ λξδ ζξο ιιχη
μτμρθιπιν εμιωψΰμιν μδβις μπχεγδ δζε - εδΰν ιδιδ τιϊψεο ωϊι ξγιπεϊ μωΰϊ εμϊϊ
ςμιε αψβς ωιβιςε ΰμιδ.
δξηαψ δεΰ πωιΰ "ζψςι ωμεν",
ΰιψβεο ωμΰ μξθψεϊ ψεεη, δξτβιω απι-πεςψ ξΰζεψι ριλρεκ. αξωκ 25 ωπδ διδ ιεςυ
μξωΰ εξϊο δςψαι-ιωψΰμι ϊηϊ ωιωδ ξζλιψι ξγιπδ ΰξψιχπιιν.
τεψρν αξχεψ αξδγεψδ δαιπμΰεξιϊ ωμ δ"δψΰμγ θψιαιεο" α- 6 αιπεΰψ 2004
αχψε αΰϊψ δςιϊεο α -
http://www.iht.com/frontpage.html
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Going
it alone won't work Aaron David Miller
WASHINGTON
-- There is an old adage in the Middle East: If you give, you better
get; otherwise, there will be no end to the giving.
This street-smart advice, which has underscored Israel's policy toward its
Arab neighbors for the past 50 years, seems to have been turned on its head
by the recent flurry of unilateral proposals toward the Palestinians,
including Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Herzliya speech outlining Israeli
steps should Palestinians refuse to negotiate.
Unilateral actions as a substitute for negotiations cannot work, and will
only exacerbate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet for the past two
years, the departure point for Israelis' actions toward their Palestinian
neighbors has been a unilateral one, whether it is increased settlement
activity or unilateral security and economic measures. Suicide terror,
aversion to Yasser Arafat, and the absence of a reliable Palestinian
security partner have understandably left most Israelis ready to act by
themselves.
The most dramatic manifestation of this solo approach has been the security
wall. The wall reflects the frustration and fear of large sectors of the
Israeli public and political establishment. Its advocates argue that even
with only a third of the fence completed, it has already paid off. From
April 2002 to December 2002, there were 17 successful attacks in areas that
the fence now straddles, resulting in 89 deaths; from January 2003 to
November 2003, there were eight attacks resulting in 51 deaths.
Unilateralism not only drives Israel's current policy, it has also
influenced Israel's thinking about the future. The peace plan known as the
road map has been completely overshadowed by initiatives that exclude any
meaningful participation by a Palestinian partner. Deputy Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert's bombshell interview last week, in which he contemplated
large-scale withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, does not include a
Palestinian interlocutor. And the much anticipated initiative by Sharon
calls for unilateral evacuation of some settlements, unilateral annexation
of others and a trial period of negotiations with Palestinians - and, if
they fail, unilateral disengagement from additional West Bank territory.
Under current circumstances, unilateralism has a powerful appeal. If it can
enhance Israeli security, preserve a Jewish majority and disengage Israel
from the Palestinian problem, why not pursue it? What other choice does
Israel have?
Indeed, prospects for serious Israeli-Palestinian negotiations at this time
are bleak. Yet pursuing unilateral initiatives that change the political and
territorial status quo will neither enhance Israel's security nor end the
conflict.
First, in the rough-and-tumble world of Arab-Israeli politics, withdrawal
without reciprocity is an unmistakable sign of weakness that could easily
diminish, not enhance, Israeli deterrence and security. The strategy of
marhaliyya, the liberation of Palestine in phases, which is popular among
some Palestinians, would be given a boost.
Second, unilateralism simply cannot produce the practical economic,
security, and political arrangements required to end the conflict.
Israeli and Palestinian lives and futures are inextricably linked. This
strategic predicament can only be resolved by cleverly negotiated and
imaginatively conceived bilateral solutions.
Instead, unilateralism will leave problems galore: thousands of West Bank
Palestinians within Israel's borders, no rational solutions to Palestinian
labor flows, access to markets or shared water resources, and no practical
security cooperation. In short, it will leave an angry and alienated
Palestinian population with nowhere to go and nothing to lose.
In the end, the only outcome that has a chance of ending the conflict is a
two-state solution negotiated with real reciprocity and continuing
cooperation and interaction between Israelis and Palestinians. No amount of
frustration with Palestinian behavior, nor the allure of unilateral
solutions, will change that fact. Sadly, the only question is how long it
will take Israelis and Palestinians to reach that point - and whether there
will be a two-state solution to negotiate once they do
The writer is president of Seeds of Peace, a nonprofit organization that
brings together teenagers from conflict areas. For 25 years he was an
adviser on Arab-Israeli negotiations to six U.S. secretaries of state.
Copyright © 2003 The International Herald
Tribune
IHT - Tuesday, January
6, 2004 -
iht.com |
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δτιρβδ αδψ διγιγεϊ διωψΰμι
τμρθιπι:
ωεαψιν ΰϊ δχψη
ηξιωδ-ςωψ ιεν μΰηψ ωιφΰε ξφ'ιμδ, εμΰηψ ςιλεα ωμ ιεν ΰηγ ςχα ϊπΰι ξζβ-ΰεειψ
χωιν, δωιβε ηαψι ξωμηϊ δωμεν διωψΰμιϊ-τμρθιπιϊ μΰπθΰψχθιχδ ΰϊ ιςγν, ελαωε
τιρβδ ηγωδ αχψαϊ τψερτχθ τειπθ αηφι δΰι δγψεξι...
ξερσ ξιεηγ
- δριγψδ ςμ δρλν ζ'παδ:
δπεωΰιν ωπζπηε
αγιεο δφιαεψι
β'επϊο λεϊΰα, τςιμ ωμεν τμρθιπι εςεψκ-γιο δξϊξηδ αζλειεϊ δΰγν, ξπϊη ΰϊ δρλν
ζ'παδ εξριθ ΰϊ δξεχγ ξΰεϊν πεωΰιν ωδωϊμθε ςμ δγιεο δφιαεψι, ΰμ διαθιν ηωεαιν
ωδεζπηε μγςϊε - δτψχιν ςμ ξπβπεπιν μιιωεα ριλρελιν, δπεληεϊ δφαΰιϊ
δαιπμΰεξιϊ εωΰμϊ δπωχ μδωξγδ δξεπιϊ...
ξετυ ςμ ιγι ωιψεϊ
CGNews
ωιψεϊ δηγωεϊ CGNews ξφις ηγωεϊ, ξΰξψι γςδ, λϊαεϊ ετψωπειεϊ ωμ ξεξηιν ξχεξιιν
εαιπμΰεξιιν, δςερχιν αθεεη ψηα ωμ πεωΰιν δχωεψιν μξζψη-δϊιλεο. δωιψεϊ ξτιυ
ξΰξψιν ΰξιπιν εξΰεζπιν, ωτπιδν μτιϊψεο δριλρεκ, ςαεψ χδμιν ηγωιν
αξζψη-δϊιλεο εαςεμν λεμε. δωιψεϊ δεΰ ιεζξδ ωμΰ μξθψεϊ ψεεη ωμ ΰιψβεο SFCG
Search for Common Ground - ηιτεω ΰηψ ξλπδ ξωεϊσ.
ΰιψβεπιν μΰ-ξξωμϊιιν (NGO's) αιπμΰεξιιν δτεςμιν αϊηεν ωμ τιϊψεο
ριλρελιν εδτχεϊ ϊχωεψϊ, επϊξλιν ςμ-ιγι δΰιηεγ δΰιψετι, χψο Arca, εξωψγι δηευ
ωμ δεμπγ, τιπμπγ εγπξψχ.
δγςεϊ δξεαςεϊ αξΰξψιν ΰμδ δο ωμ δξηαψιν, εμΰ ωμ CGNews ΰε ωμ ωεϊτεϊιδ.
ωιψεϊ
CGNews ξτιυ ΰϊ δξΰξψιν δαΰιν ςμ ξπϊ μχγν γιΰμεβ αεπδ ααςιεϊ ξζψη ϊιλεπιεϊ
ςλωεειεϊ.
http://www.sfcg.org
hagalil.com
04-02-2004 |
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