bitterlemons-international.org
Middle East Roundtable /
Edition 41
After Arafat (I):
Don't stand idly by
by Yossi Beilin
When important people die it is customary to remark that a chapter has
been closed in the life of the collective they led and within which they
acted. In many cases this is an empty phrase; in Yasser Arafat's case it is
precise. For better or for worse, the fate of the Palestinian people was
embodied in him. Because so many things were dependent on him, his death
creates a new reality.
Arafat leaves behind a Palestinian people embroiled in an armed intifada,
with a weak Palestinian Authority, chaos in the West Bank and Gaza, Hamas
gaining strength and Fatah wracked with dissent. But he also leaves
Palestinians with international standing, general recognition of the
necessity of solving their problem, a bureaucratic establishment built in
the territories in recent years in anticipation of statehood, and a
readiness--even on the Israeli right--to acquiesce to the establishment of a
Palestinian state.
Arafat agreed, albeit with many reservations, to the Clinton Plan of January
2001 and without reservations to the Quartet's roadmap. He bequeaths those
understandings to the leadership that will replace him, which accordingly
will not have to confront the need to break any political taboos.
Recognition of Israel, agreement on a Palestinian state within borders based
on the 1967 lines, a readiness to recognize Israeli sovereignty over Jewish
neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, the Jewish quarter of the Old City and the
Western Wall--all these can now be converted into assets by a Palestinian
leadership that seeks peace.
Arafat--the statesman and the terrorist, the man who came to the UN General
Assembly with a gun and an olive branch, who spoke of martyrs and of jihad
but also of the peace of the brave--provided the ultimate legitimacy to the
Palestinians, even to those who did not support him and to Islamic
extremists who resolutely opposed him. He did not use his authority to make
peace, but his followers can exploit the political concessions he made when
they feel strong enough to lead a dramatic new departure.
Israel will be making a terrible mistake if it stands idly by and waits to
see how Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas), Abu Ala (Ahmed Qurei) and their
associates deal with the new reality. If it has any interest in
strengthening the pragmatic Palestinian camp it must start talking as early
as possible with the Palestinian Authority about the planned withdrawal from
Gaza; it must return to the negotiating table and begin to implement the
roadmap. Ceasing targeted killings, reducing roadblocks, easing the life of
Palestinians, releasing prisoners--all these acts will strengthen the new
leadership without compromising their status. Sharon is well aware of this;
if he didn't understand it on his own, he was enlightened by the IDF chief
of staff, who didn't hide his view on the way we failed to capitalize on Abu
Mazen's tenure as prime minister.
The Bush administration, which has high regard for Abu Mazen and an interest
in his success, must now update the roadmap and reinvigorate it. It makes no
sense for everyone to swear by the roadmap, which speaks of a final status
agreement in 2005, but for President Bush to officially announce that that
date is not realistic. An agreed Israeli withdrawal from Gaza must be
integrated immediately into the roadmap, and a new and realistic timetable
established, in order for the two sides to return to the negotiating table
and complete the task that was interrupted at Taba in January 2001. The goal
is an agreement modeled after the Clinton Plan, the Bush vision and the
Geneva accord.- Published 13/11/2004 (c) bitterlemons.org
Yossi Beilin is chairman of the Yahad (Social Democratic Israel) Party,
and one of the initiators of the Geneva accord. His last government position
was minister of justice (1999-2001).
Bitterlemons-international.org is an internet
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ghassan@bitterlemons-international.org
and
yossi@bitterlemons-international.org, respectively.
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14-11-2004 |